Unemployment and the World Class African City

Johannesburg, South Africa, 2012, a city striving to be world class. One, like many developing countries, that is constrained by neo-liberal policy and a structural adjustment programme. And within the city and country and continent we find some of the highest unemployment rates of the newly independent states after the so called breaking away from the colonies in the twentieth century. While it was first opined that it would be the east that would fall and Africa that would flourish economically – this has turned out to not be the case. And a growing discourse around estrangement begins to surround the ever present decline in employment opportunities. Which I shall discuss in terms of the Comoroff’s picture of this estrangement being more related to a generational divide as opposed to class or race. But, before one can even begin to start looking at estrangement within these societies now suffering from the growing gap between the employed and the not so lucky – two questions must be asked. Firstly – what is this concept of a “World Class African City”? And secondly, if the underlying law of capitalist society is that the rate of profit is inversely related to labour costs, why is no body exploiting our desperate masses? A grim thought indeed, but this is the position we find ourselves in, with a very wealthy elite and a huge gap to the impoverished. Where is the money going?

To answer the first question I would like to go back to the beginnings of the African Nationalist Movements. Where did they evolve from? And the answer to this is that during colonialism there was a demand for local intermediaries – teachers, court interpreters, medical orderlies and agricultural extension workers – these intermediaries bridged the communication gap between the colonised and the coloniser, and became a small movement of Westernised black elite. While the movement paraded themselves as a liberation front the truth of the matter was they too wanted to enjoy the spoils of colonialism. A system which was not designed to develop the productive capacities of the colonies, but rather to extract the countries raw materials and ship them back to the mother land for processing and manufacturing.  So at the turn, when Africa became independent what replaced the colonial elite was now the new black elite.  And the exploitation of the black masses continued. (Mbeki 2009:6-7) This to me is the underlying premise of our World Class African City. One that is merely an extension of colonial rule. An exploitation vehicle.

The second question I do not have in my capacity to answer, yet, although I have an inkling it has something to do with the relationship between the private sector and the politics that rule it. But the picture I have so far painted is that of the emergence of a new elite, one that is still bound in some way to colonial ideals. And it is in this that we find the roots of the problems that have shaped mass unemployment in our country. If the World Class African City is the ideal towards which South Africa is striving, then there is no hope for the poor, for a world class city is a capitalist city, one where the rich get richer and the poor get poorer. And it is out of this that the so called estrangement has emerged. But is it really anything new?

The Comoroff’s boldly state that estrangement is no longer mainly a problem of class, but of generation. (Comoroff 1999:284) Of shifting culture in a dynamic world. Perhaps in part they are right. When one looks at the rise of occult economies – the uneasiness of the youth and their need to blame the older generation for the rise in unemployment rates, for the lack of change in the post-apartheid system. And in turn finding new magic to do so, burn the witch – sell the body parts. (Comorof 1999:279-303) When cultural norms are flipped in Madagascar and it is women that emerge as the new provider, and the trade of sex becomes less of a taboo and more of a way of life. (Cole, Jennifer 2004:573-588) Where the youth in Senegal, although highly educated cannot find work, and kill time by perfecting the art of tea making. This now symbolises as a lack of productive activity - as opposed to a traditional art of the former generation. (Ralph 2008:1-29)

But to state that the problem of estrangement is that of a generational gap and put class on the back burner cannot be right in its entirety. Yes it is a new discourse, or perhaps an old one with new stories, for hasn’t it always been the way that the younger generation shall rebel against the old?  And while there may be shifting ideologies between the youth and their predecessors, are they all still not involved in the class struggling together? A struggle which still has its roots, and its present, in a colonial mind frame.

To speak of shifting identities with in a new context, is to bring an old topic back into the forefront. All we are asking is of the identity of the unemployed today. How are people evolving to fit into society today, and is that not the perpetual question of the new school anthropology? What is happening to people today in relation to the past? Because it seems that all our studies from the colonial era to now have been the study of people in a world changing due to western ideals being integrated into a global conscious. The identity of the unemployed hasn’t changed since the reclaiming of the commons in the 1600’s, they are still the peasants, and the elites are still the elite.   

References

·         Comoroff, Jean and John. 1999. “Occult Economies and The Violence of Abstraction: notes from the South African Postcolony.” American Ethnologist 26(2):279-303.

·         Cole, Jennifer. 2004. “Fresh Contact in Tamative, Madagascar: Sex, Money, and Intergenerational Transformation.” American Ethnologist 31(4):578-88.

·         Mbeki, Moeletsi. 2009. “Architects of Poverty.” Picoador Africa, Johannesburg.

·         Ralph, Micheal. 2008. “Killing Time.” Social Text 26(4):1-29