The Anti-Punk Propaganda Machine

In Richard Sennett’s article “The New Capitalism” he states that “the new capitalism is impoverishing the value of work. Becoming more flexible and short-term, work is ceasing to serve as a point of reference for defining durable personal purposes and a sense of self-worth; sociologically, work serves ever less as a forum for stable, sociable relations.” He goes onto say that because people are losing a sense of belonging related to work  that they are increasingly committing themselves more to be related to geographic places such as cities, nations and localities. While this may be true, there is another option of belonging that I would like to explore. And it comes down to music, and subculture, in specific punk rock.

Since its conception in the 80’s punk rock and its cultural form have been berated in the public eyes, seen as hooligans of a dangerous nature, set out to destroy your public property and your nation. The  propaganda against punk rock worked to some extent, the movement was described as either meaningless, with no ideology behind its fashion, or contradictory to its ideology of anti-capitalism. The truth of the matter is that punk created a new ethic which had the power to displace corporate and commercial ideals. 

That ethic was the spirit of DIY, do it yourself. Instead of adhering to the popular culture portrayed on MTV by musical conglomerates such as Sony and BMG who would never sign or give exposure to bands who were not of a commercial nature, the punk culture of the 80’s created a new social order of belonging.  They created their own labels, sticking to low-fi recording techniques, they created their own infrustracture of advertising and public relations using fanzines, commonly known as ‘zines’. Which did not need large budgets for printing as they were mostly black and white print. They spoke out against the middle and working class life style of consumption, and maybe even more profoundly were one of the first social movements which had an understanding of the need for something to belong to and identify with that was not centred on work ethic, but on a lifestyle that was centred around this new ethic of DIY. It is something that resonates in the underlying ideal of entrepreneurship which is so valued in South African economic growth today, except it was based outside of capitalism - as the end goal was not profit, but cultural expansion, the growth of an ethic and identification system not based in work as it is interpreted today, as Marx describes it in all its exploitative glory.  

Today punk has transformed into a global network. At the beginning of 2012 65 Indonesian punk youths from Aceh were detained, their hair shaved off, were stripped of their body piercings, and sent for religious rehabilitation to put them back on the correct moral path – they were seen as a threat to the Islamic value system. This event did two things, firstly it showed the extremist attitude against punk rock, and secondly it highlighted the fact that the global network of punk has expanded since the 80’s and has it in their means to fight against such social injustices as a group, who identify with each other more strongly than they do with their nationality, religion or place of work.

The Body of Christ in a Mass Merchandised Burger

While reading Jean Comaroff’s paper on the Politics of Convinction I couldn’t shake the ghost of a passage in Robert M Pirsig’s Zen and the Art of Motor Cycle Maintenance. The passage goes as follows:

“You go through a heavy industrial area of a large city and there it all is, the technology. In front of it are high barbed wire fences, locked gates, signs saying NO TRESPASSING, and beyond, through sooty air, you see ugly strange shapes of metal and brick whose purpose is unknown, and whose masters you will never see. What it’s for you do not know, and why it’s there, there is no one to tell, and so all you can feel is alienated, estranged, as though you didn’t belong there. Who owns and understands this doesn’t want you around. All this technology has made you a stranger in your own land.”(Pirsig; 1976:16)

It was this idea of alienation from something so present in one’s society that really struck me. We never really think about how the structure and means of production are alienating – unless you read a lot of Marx. And I came to focus on the fast food industry and in particular about fast food’s being served with messages of the Lord on its packaging. And the connection between the known and the alienating force of the fast food industry. Processed food that bears no resemblance to a home cooked meal, or even the thing  which it is supposed to represent. If you have ever watched the movie Clerks 2 and seen a processed egg, which comes in the shape of a large polony roll, you will know what I’m talking about. There is something unnatural about it, yet you still eat it, but hate the fact that you are eating it. You know you shouldn’t, but it is convenient. Right there all the time, 24 hours a day 7 days a week. And you hate it, in a sense it alienates you from yourself with your love hate relationship with it. And then it started coming in religious wrappers as Comoroff puts it “mass-merchandised hamburgers now come wrapped in biblical homilies.” (Comoroff 2009; 18)

 Two thoughts occurred at this point in the text for me, firstly Comoroff’s point that religion had started using the means of capitalism to spread its word. This was nothing new, driving past Rhema Church on a regular basis you cannot help but be overwhelmed by their massive sign board slamming some message of faith into your brain whether you want it or not. But perhaps the extent that it is happening in the states is on a far more worrying scale as to make it seem like a cultural phenomenon to be examined. The second idea was this: Do those slogans of faith on one’s burger wrappers dealienate one from their processed food by putting something familiar on the face of an alienating product? Instead of thinking about the grossness of what one is about to eat, all the factory farming, deforestation, and general making into machinery that those employed by fast food establishments have to suffer, do people instead get distracted and think rather about their love or hate of religion? Or perhaps if God loves these burgers I can love them too? Seeing as I have not encountered this phenomena in South Africa, yet, I could not say from personal experience. But it seems like a canny means of shaking off the preconceived negative connotations that are attached to fast foods - by replacing them with positive messages of faith.

I guess at the end of it you really have to ask yourself “What would Jesus eat?”

References

·         Comaroff, Jean. 2009. “The politics of Convivtion: Faith on the neoliberal Frontier.” Social Analysis 53(1):17-38

·         Pirsig, Robert. M. 1976. “Zen and the Art of Motor Cycle Maintenance.” Corgi Books: London 

Unemployment and the World Class African City

Johannesburg, South Africa, 2012, a city striving to be world class. One, like many developing countries, that is constrained by neo-liberal policy and a structural adjustment programme. And within the city and country and continent we find some of the highest unemployment rates of the newly independent states after the so called breaking away from the colonies in the twentieth century. While it was first opined that it would be the east that would fall and Africa that would flourish economically – this has turned out to not be the case. And a growing discourse around estrangement begins to surround the ever present decline in employment opportunities. Which I shall discuss in terms of the Comoroff’s picture of this estrangement being more related to a generational divide as opposed to class or race. But, before one can even begin to start looking at estrangement within these societies now suffering from the growing gap between the employed and the not so lucky – two questions must be asked. Firstly – what is this concept of a “World Class African City”? And secondly, if the underlying law of capitalist society is that the rate of profit is inversely related to labour costs, why is no body exploiting our desperate masses? A grim thought indeed, but this is the position we find ourselves in, with a very wealthy elite and a huge gap to the impoverished. Where is the money going?

To answer the first question I would like to go back to the beginnings of the African Nationalist Movements. Where did they evolve from? And the answer to this is that during colonialism there was a demand for local intermediaries – teachers, court interpreters, medical orderlies and agricultural extension workers – these intermediaries bridged the communication gap between the colonised and the coloniser, and became a small movement of Westernised black elite. While the movement paraded themselves as a liberation front the truth of the matter was they too wanted to enjoy the spoils of colonialism. A system which was not designed to develop the productive capacities of the colonies, but rather to extract the countries raw materials and ship them back to the mother land for processing and manufacturing.  So at the turn, when Africa became independent what replaced the colonial elite was now the new black elite.  And the exploitation of the black masses continued. (Mbeki 2009:6-7) This to me is the underlying premise of our World Class African City. One that is merely an extension of colonial rule. An exploitation vehicle.

The second question I do not have in my capacity to answer, yet, although I have an inkling it has something to do with the relationship between the private sector and the politics that rule it. But the picture I have so far painted is that of the emergence of a new elite, one that is still bound in some way to colonial ideals. And it is in this that we find the roots of the problems that have shaped mass unemployment in our country. If the World Class African City is the ideal towards which South Africa is striving, then there is no hope for the poor, for a world class city is a capitalist city, one where the rich get richer and the poor get poorer. And it is out of this that the so called estrangement has emerged. But is it really anything new?

The Comoroff’s boldly state that estrangement is no longer mainly a problem of class, but of generation. (Comoroff 1999:284) Of shifting culture in a dynamic world. Perhaps in part they are right. When one looks at the rise of occult economies – the uneasiness of the youth and their need to blame the older generation for the rise in unemployment rates, for the lack of change in the post-apartheid system. And in turn finding new magic to do so, burn the witch – sell the body parts. (Comorof 1999:279-303) When cultural norms are flipped in Madagascar and it is women that emerge as the new provider, and the trade of sex becomes less of a taboo and more of a way of life. (Cole, Jennifer 2004:573-588) Where the youth in Senegal, although highly educated cannot find work, and kill time by perfecting the art of tea making. This now symbolises as a lack of productive activity - as opposed to a traditional art of the former generation. (Ralph 2008:1-29)

But to state that the problem of estrangement is that of a generational gap and put class on the back burner cannot be right in its entirety. Yes it is a new discourse, or perhaps an old one with new stories, for hasn’t it always been the way that the younger generation shall rebel against the old?  And while there may be shifting ideologies between the youth and their predecessors, are they all still not involved in the class struggling together? A struggle which still has its roots, and its present, in a colonial mind frame.

To speak of shifting identities with in a new context, is to bring an old topic back into the forefront. All we are asking is of the identity of the unemployed today. How are people evolving to fit into society today, and is that not the perpetual question of the new school anthropology? What is happening to people today in relation to the past? Because it seems that all our studies from the colonial era to now have been the study of people in a world changing due to western ideals being integrated into a global conscious. The identity of the unemployed hasn’t changed since the reclaiming of the commons in the 1600’s, they are still the peasants, and the elites are still the elite.   

References

·         Comoroff, Jean and John. 1999. “Occult Economies and The Violence of Abstraction: notes from the South African Postcolony.” American Ethnologist 26(2):279-303.

·         Cole, Jennifer. 2004. “Fresh Contact in Tamative, Madagascar: Sex, Money, and Intergenerational Transformation.” American Ethnologist 31(4):578-88.

·         Mbeki, Moeletsi. 2009. “Architects of Poverty.” Picoador Africa, Johannesburg.

·         Ralph, Micheal. 2008. “Killing Time.” Social Text 26(4):1-29